Griech-Polelle
book refutes image of bishop as ‘larger-than-life’
resister in Nazi Germany
Beth Griech-Polelle, history, was looking
for a hero when she began researching Clemens August Graf
von Galen, a Catholic bishop in Nazi Germany. What she
found was an ordinary man with all-too-human contradictions.
In a new book, Griech-Polelle examines von Galen’s
contradictions, chiefly his willingness to denounce a
Nazi euthanasia program but silence on the treatment of
Jews.
Bishop von Galen: German Catholicism and National
Socialism, Griech-Polelle’s first book, was
published in the fall by Yale University Press.
The author studied resistance to the Nazis for her doctoral
dissertation at Rutgers University, where she received
a Ph.D. in modern European history in 1999. Because von
Galen’s name kept coming up in her reading, she
thought he was a “larger-than-life resister,”
but finding no elaboration on what he had done, she felt
his legacy merited closer examination.
He was brave in many respects, she said, noting that he
risked his life in the summer of 1941 by delivering a
sermon that took the Nazis to task for a euthanasia campaign
in which they killed 70,000-80,000 of their own sick,
elderly, disabled and mentally retarded people.
Once his Aug. 3, 1941, sermon became public knowledge,
von Galen thought the Gestapo would arrest him, Griech-Polelle
says. But it didn’t happen, and that, she argues,
gave him an opportunity to take the “final step”
of speaking out against the brutal persecution of the
Jews and others. He was, however, “absolutely unwilling
to do that,” she says, as were Pope Pius XII and
other church officials at the time.
The reasons were both internal and external, according
to Griech-Polelle, who notes that von Galen had the education,
the aristocratic background and the access to high political
figures—in short, the clout—to break ranks
had he chosen to do so.
But, like the Nazis, he was also conservative and nationalistic.
In 1933, he became the first Catholic bishop appointed
by the Nazis, who thought they could work with him because
of his nationalism. He later said that any German soldier
who died while fighting communists in the Soviet Union
would go directly to heaven—an indication, Griech-Polelle
says, of his feeling that “the greatest threat to
Germany, Western Europe and Western civilization was the
spread of Bolshevism.”
To many people in that time and place, Jews were associated
with Bolshevism. Von Galen already carried some fundamental
anti-Semitism, believing that their rejection of Jesus
had condemned the Jews. In his mind, then, it wasn’t
hard to buy into a Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy and the
prevailing Jewish stereotypes, Griech-Polelle says.
Besides, trying to protect Jews would have incurred the
Nazis’ wrath—too great a risk for a man who
hadn’t forgotten the persecution of Catholics by
the Bismarck government in the 1870s, she notes.
So he fought for what he defined as “Catholic causes,”
meaning churches, schools and other institutions that
the Nazis tried to seize, rather than for people, says
Griech-Polelle. She maintains that denomination should
have been irrelevant, especially to a bishop who had the
moral authority to urge listeners to open their doors
to those in need.
While acknowledging the gift of hindsight, Griech-Polelle,
herself a practicing Catholic, says it’s “shameful”
that Pius XII and his subordinates didn’t seize
the opportunity to put into action the Gospel of loving
your neighbor as yourself.